Chinese forces used a flamethrower to force more than 10 "terrorists" from a cave in the western Xinjiang region, the military's top newspaper said on Monday, in a graphic account of the hunt for what Beijing called foreign-led extremists.
China
said on Friday that security forces had recently killed 28 members of a
group that carried out a deadly attack at a coal mine in Aksu in September, the first official mention of the incident reported by Radio Free Asia about two months ago.
In
its account, which could not be independently verified, the official
People's Liberation Army Daily said armed police had tracked the
attackers into the mountains "like eagles discovering their prey".
The
PLA Daily said the special forces used flash grenades and tear gas to
force the attackers out of hiding, but when those methods failed, a
senior officer said: "Use the flamethrower".
After that, the newspaper said the attackers came out at the troops wielding knives and that they were then "completely annihilated".
China's
government says it faces a serious threat from Islamist militants and
separatists in energy-rich Xinjiang, on the border of central Asia, where hundreds have died in violence in recent years.
Rights
groups say China has never presented convincing evidence of the
existence of a cohesive militant group fighting the government. Much of
the unrest, they argue, is due to frustration at controls on the culture
and religion of the Muslim Uighur people who live in Xinjiang.
Beijing
vehemently denies accusations of rights abuses, though independent
verification of the situation in Xinjiang is hard because of tight
government controls on visits by foreign reporters.
In a statement in response to the PLA Daily report, Dilxat Raxit, a spokesman for exile group the World Uyghur Congress, said: "The
Paris attacks gave China a political excuse to brazenly use
flamethrowers to clamp down on unarmed Uighurs who have no just legal
protection and who seek to avoid arrest."
Senior
Chinese officials have increasingly described the security challenges
in Xinjiang as an important front in the global fight against terrorism.
Western nations, however, have been reluctant to cooperate in China's
anti-terrorism campaign there, nervous about being implicated in
possible rights abuses.
sources; pulse news
DO YOU WANT TO HAVE INTERNATIONAL CERTIFICATE IN INTELLIGENCE AND SECURITY STUDIES ONLINE OR OFF LINE IN A WELL KNOWN SECURITY STUDIES CENTER?THEN LOOK NO FURTHER AS OLIVE GREENS SECURITY AND INTELLIGENCE MANAGEMENT CENTER HAVE OPEN FOR YOU. FOR FORM AND OTHER INQUIRY,CONTACT sylvapower2000@gmail.com or +23467990990.www.ogsecurity.in
DO YOU WANT TO HAVE INTERNATIONAL CERTIFICATE IN INTELLIGENCE AND SECURITY STUDIES ONLINE OR OFF LINE IN A WELL KNOWN SECURITY STUDIES CENTER?THEN LOOK NO FURTHER AS OLIVE GREENS SECURITY AND INTELLIGENCE MANAGEMENT CENTER HAVE OPEN FOR YOU. FOR FORM AND OTHER INQUIRY,CONTACT sylvapower2000@gmail.com or +23467990990.www.ogsecurity.in
The sudden death of Prince Abubakar Audu, the governorship candidate of the All Progressives Congress (APC) in Kogi State, on Sunday, 22nd November, 2015 has undoubtedly ignited a constitutional crisis. The tragic news which was first published by Sahara Reporters has instigated controversy on what will be the possible legal implications or consequences of his death.
Among the issues arising from the death of Prince Audu are the following:
1. Whether the running mate to Prince Audu and the APC deputy governorship candidate can assume the position and status of the deceased as the candidate of the APC;
2. If the question in 1 above is answered in the negative, can the APC substitute the deceased as its governorship candidate; and
3. Whether it is legally permissible in the circumstance for the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) to cancel the inconclusive election of Saturday, 21st November, 2015 and conduct a fresh throughout Kogi State.
This is unarguably a novel case. This is the first time in the course of a democratic transition that a validly nominated candidate of a political party in Nigeria will die after an inconclusive election but before and without paricipating in the supplementary election. It is unprecedented. The result is that there is no precedent that can be referred to which could aid in the resolution of the present case.
The three issues formulated above are not mutually exclusive. I will now proceed to address them seriatim.
On issue one, there is no argument about the fact that a person nominated as running mate with a Governor or Governor- Elect who was DULY ELECTED has the constitutional right of succession in the event of death, permanent incapacity, resignation or removal of the Governor or Governor-Elect. This proposition is well entrenched in both judicial and statutory authorities.
However, there are only two categories of persons/running mates that are entitled to this right of succession.
The first category is a Deputy Governor elected on a joint ticket with the Governor. Section 191 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 (as amended), hereinafter referred to as the Constitution, provides as follows
"The Deputy Governor of a State shall hold the office of Governor of the State if the office of Governor becomes vacant by reason of death, resignation, impeachment, permanent incapacity or removal of the Governor from office for any other reason in accordance with section 188 or 189 of the Constitution."
There are avalanche of examples of Deputy Governors in Nigeria who had automatically assumed the office of Governor following the death or impeachment of their governors'.
The second category arises where a person DULY ELECTED as the Governor dies before subscribing the oath of allegiance and oath of office. That is, where a Governor-Elect dies before his swearing in. In such situation. The person elected with him as Deputy Governor (his running mate/deputy governor-elect) shall be sworn in as the governor. The authority for this is Section 181 (1) of the 1999 Constitution which prescribes thus:
"If a person DULY ELECTED as Governor dies before taking and subscribing the Oath of Allegiance and oath of office, or is unable for any reason whatsoever to be sworn in, the person elected with him as Deputy Governor shall be sworn in as Governor and he shall nominate a new Deputy Governor who shall be appointed by the Governor with the approval of a simple majority of the House of Assembly of the State." (capitalized for emphasis).
The relevant question is whether any of the two categories above is applicable to the present case in Kogi State. The answer is clearly in the negative. The reasons are obvious.
Section 179 of the 1999 Constitution stipulates two mandatory conditions that a candidate must satisfy before he/she is deemed duly elected. Firstly, the candidate must score the highest votes cast at the election. Secondly, the candidate must obtain not less than one quarter of the votes cast at the election in each of at least two-thirds of all the local government areas in the State.
Based on the results declared by the Returning Officer, Emmanuel Kucha (Vice-Chancellor of the University of Agriculture, Makurdi), Abubakar Audu of the APC scored 240,867 while Idris Wada of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) scored 199,514 votes.
According to Mr. Kucha, the margin of votes between Messrs Audu and Wada is 41,353. And that the election was inconclusive because the total number of registered voters in 91 polling units, in 18 local government areas, where election was cancelled is 49,953.
That figure is higher than the 41,353 votes with which Mr. Audu is ahead of Mr. Idris Wada of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). The returning officer in compliance with Sections 26 and 53 of the Electoral Act refused to make a return until supplementary election is held in the areas where election were cancelled. INEC is not allowed by law to make a return if the number of registered voters in the areas that elections have either been postponed or cancelled can affect the outcome of the election. 41, 353 cannot be greater than 49, 953. Whether it is possible for Mr. Wada to garner is a political question.
The law does not operate based on political calculations and conjectures. Only a supplementary election can legally determine the ultimate winner of the Kogi State governorship election. It would have been wrong for INEC to declare a winner as canvassed by some commentators without allowing the 49, 953 registered voters in the 91 polling units to exercise their constitutional right of franchise. That would have afforded the aggrieved candidates the right to have the election nullified by the Election Tribunal.
From the foregoing, the deceased APC candidate Abubakar Audu was not duly elected as the Governor of Kogi State in the governorship election held on Saturday 21st November, 2015. Therefore his running mate cannot be sworn in as the Governor. This argument has become an academic exercise since INEC has already declared the election inconclusive and indicated its intention to conduct supplementary governorship election in the 91 polling units where elections were cancelled.
Under the current constitutional regime, a Governor, Deputy Governor, Governor-Elect or Deputy Governor-Elect cannot emerge through an inconclusive election. The summary on issue one is that Section 181 (1) and 191 of the Constitution are not applicable to Hon. James Abiodun Faleke, the running mate to the late Prince Abubakar Audu. He cannot be sworn in as the Governor of Kogi State since Prince Audu had not been elected Governor before his death owing to the fact that the election is inconclusive for the reasons stated earlier.
On the second issue, the law on substitution of candidates has evolved over the years. A brief history is apposite.
Under the repealed 2002 Electoral Act, the right of political parties to substitute candidates was not restricted. This led to series of litigation candidature of political parties. By Section 34 (2) of the repealed 2006 Electoral Act, substitution of candidates by political parties was allowable only if a political party gives "congent and "verifiable reason" for seeking to substitute a candidate whose name had been submitted to INEC. The cases of Amaechi v. INEC (2008) 5 NWLR (Pt. 1080) 227 and Ugwu v. Ararume (2007) 12 NWLR (Pt. l048) 365 were principally decided by the Supreme Court based on the failure of the political party -the PDP, to give cogent and verifiable reason for seeking to substitute its candidates in the 2007 governorship elections in Rivers and Imo States, respectively.
However, the current position of the law on substitution or change of candidate is encapsulated in Section 33 of the Electoral Act 2010 (as amended). It provides as follows:
"A political party shall not be allowed to change or substitute its candidate whose name has been submitted pursuant to section 32 of this Act except in the case of DEATH or withdrawal by the candidate." (capitalized for emphasis).
Also of relevance to the issue of substitution of candidate by reason of death is Section 36 (1) of the Electoral Act. It states thus:
"If after the time for the delivery of nomination paper and before the commencement of the poll, a nominated candidate dies, the Chief National Electoral Commissioner or the Resident Electoral Commissioner shall, being satisfied of the fact of the death, countermand the poll in which the deceased candidate was to participate and the Commission shall appoint some other convenient date for the election within 14 days."
The combined effect of Sections 33 and 36 (1) reproduced supra offers a remedy to the constitutional crisis arising from the death of Mr. Abubakar Audu. It is humbly submitted that the APC has the right in law to substitute its deceased governorship candidate in Kogi State. I will elucidate.
While Section 33 allows a political party to substitute a dead candidate, Section 36 (1) provides for the period and consequential reliefs that should follow the substitution. Agreed that the death envisaged by Section 36 (1) must occur after the time for the delivery of nomination paper and before the commencement of the poll. Section 31 of the Electoral Act mandates political parties to submit names of candidates not later than 60 days before election. The APC had complied with this provision. The late Mr. Abubakar Audu died after his name had been submitted.
The next question is: did Audu die before the commencement of poll? On the surface, one may answer in the negative. However, looking at the later part of Section 36 (1) of the Electoral Act quoted supra, it is express that the poll envisaged is "the poll in which the deceased candidate was to participate." That is the exact wordings of the Act.
Audu was supposed to participate in the supplementary poll since the first poll did not result in the return of any candidate. Any interpretation of the expression "the poll in which the deceased candidate was to participate" that excludes 'supplementary poll' will lead to absurdity and injustice.
The latinian maxim 'Ubi Jus Ibi Remedium' (where there is a right there is a remedy) espoused by the Supreme Court in the celebrated case of Aliu Bello v. Attorney General of Oyo State (1986) 5 NWRL (Pt. 45) 828 supports this position. Death is a natural occurrence. The death of a candidate is beyond the control of a political party. The law recognises the right of a political party to sponsor a candidate for election and equally provides for remedies where a candidate dies either before or after the conclusion of polls.
Where a candidate dies before the commencement of polls, Section 36 (1) of the Electoral Act allows the political party that sponsored the deceased candidate to substitute him/her. But where the death occurs after the conclusion of polls but before the deceased candidate subscribes the oath of allegiance and oath of office, Section 181 (1) of the Constitution mandates the running the running mate of the deceased candidate to be sworn in as the governor.
I will now address the last issue, that is, whether INEC in the circumstance can countermand (cancel) the Kogi State governorship election held on Saturday, 21st November, 2015.
The power of INEC with respect to cancellation of election is very limited. The law allows INEC to postpone or cancel election in only two situations, namely:
1. postponement due to violence, insecurity, natural disasters or other emergencies; and
2. cancellation due to over voting.
In respect of the former situation, Section 26 of the Electoral Act gives INEC the power to postpone election if "there is reason to believe that a serious breach of the peace is likely to occur" or where "it is impossible to conduct the elections as a result of natural disasters or other emergencies'. For the latter situation, Section 53 of the Electoral Act mandates INEC to cancel and void elections in any polling unit where there is over voting.
Except for the two situations stated above, INEC has no power to interfere with elections. Only a court of competent jurisdiction or an Election Tribunal can interfere with an election which is liable to be viatiated by other circumstances. It is instructive to note that elections in the 91 polling units in Kogi State where supplementary elections are to take place were postponed or cancelled either due to insecurity or over voting.
There is no provision in all of the 320 sections of the Constitution or the 158 sections of the Electoral Act that empowers INEC to nullify, cancel or void either a concluded election or an inconclusive election. The death of a candidate of a political party does not confer any power on INEC to set aside either a concluded or an inconclusive election. The law has already catered for such eventuality by allowing for the substitution of the deceased candidate in the case of an inconclusive election.
Like the Rock of Gibraltar, the inconclusive election held on Saturday, 21st November, 2015 in Kogi State cannot be altered or interfered with by INEC. The Supreme Court had settled in the Amaechi's case supra that votes casted at an election stand to the credit of political parties and not the candidates. The law places the party above its candidates. Although a party cannot participate in an election without sponsoring a qualified and living candidate, the votes casted in favour of a party cannot be invalidated merely because the candidate of the party has died as there is provision for substitution of the deceased candidate as earlier discussed.
Although Mr. Abubakar Audu has died, the party that sponsored him - the APC, is still alive. The votes belongs to the APC and not the deceased. That is the position of the law in Nigeria today.
In the case of INEC vs Boni Haruna, it would be recalled after winning the 1999 governorship election in Adamawa State, former Vice President Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, was nominated by former President Chief Olusegun Obasanjo as running mate. INEC refused to swear in Mr. Boni Haruna who was the running mate of Mr. Atiku Abubakar and rather opted for a fresh election. This led to fierce litigation.
At the Supreme Court, it became necessary for the apex court to interpret Section 45 of the then Decree 3 of 1999 (now the 1999 constitution) which provides, as it were, for the conditions under which a Deputy Governor may be sworn in as Governor. According to the said Section, a Deputy Governor shall only be sworn in on the occurrence of such eventualities as death, resignation, impeachment, permanent incapacity or removal for any other reason.
Degree 3 never contemplated such abandonment as happened in Atiku's instance. However, the Supreme Court, in a split decision, felt a need to advance a remedy to the constitutional crisis in the interest of justice.
The Learned Justices of the Supreme Court, per UWAIS CJN (as he then was) found succor in the dictionary definition of the word 'death' which according to his Lordship, finds synonyms in, breath one's last, deceased, depart, expire, finish, decay, decline, disappear, dwindle, ebb, end, fade, lapse, vanish, wane, wilt, wither, fizzle out and finally decided that even though Atiku was biologically alive, his renunciation of his mandate as Governor-Elect to run with Chief Obasanjo as Vice President, in effect, had the same consequence as if he had died within the contextual meaning of the dictionary definition of death given above.
The Supreme Court allowed Mr. Boni Haruna to succeed Atiku Abubakar notwithstanding the absence of express provisions in Decree 3 enabling that verdict.
Although the Kogi State governorship election is inconclusive and Section 36 (1) of the Electoral Act allows for substitution if the death occurs before commencement of poll, it is humbly submitted that the word "poll" in this context includes supplementary poll. The rights that accrues to a political party that participated in an inconclusive election cannot be extinguished merely because of the death of its candidate as where there is a right there must be a remedy.
A contrary interpretation will mean that INEC will have to cancel the entire election in Kogi State and conduct fresh election. Such interpretation will do violence to the letters and spirit of Sections 33 and 36 (1) of the Electoral Act and occasion a miscarriage of justice. That cannot be the intendment of the law. In any event, INEC does not have the power to do so for the reasons stated earlier.
In conclusion, the APC should immediately substitute its deceased governorship candidate with another person and communicate same to INEC in writing. INEC is advised to proceed with the supplementary elections in the outstanding 91 polling units. The supplementary elections must be held within 14 days from Sunday, 22nd November, 2015 in line with Section 36 (1) of the Electoral Act after which the candidate that scores the highest overall votes should be returned elected.
Inibehe Effiong is a Legal Practitioner.
inibehe.effiong@gmail.com
Read more at: http://www.thenigerianvoice.com/news/197392/50/legal-implications-of-the-death-of-kogi-state-apc-.html
Chinese forces used a flamethrower to force more than 10 "terrorists" from a cave in the western Xinjiang region, the military's top newspaper said on Monday, in a graphic account of the hunt for what Beijing called foreign-led extremists.
China
said on Friday that security forces had recently killed 28 members of a
group that carried out a deadly attack at a coal mine in Aksu in September, the first official mention of the incident reported by Radio Free Asia about two months ago.
In
its account, which could not be independently verified, the official
People's Liberation Army Daily said armed police had tracked the
attackers into the mountains "like eagles discovering their prey".
The
PLA Daily said the special forces used flash grenades and tear gas to
force the attackers out of hiding, but when those methods failed, a
senior officer said: "Use the flamethrower".
After that, the newspaper said the attackers came out at the troops wielding knives and that they were then "completely annihilated".
China's
government says it faces a serious threat from Islamist militants and
separatists in energy-rich Xinjiang, on the border of central Asia, where hundreds have died in violence in recent years.
Rights
groups say China has never presented convincing evidence of the
existence of a cohesive militant group fighting the government. Much of
the unrest, they argue, is due to frustration at controls on the culture
and religion of the Muslim Uighur people who live in Xinjiang.
Beijing
vehemently denies accusations of rights abuses, though independent
verification of the situation in Xinjiang is hard because of tight
government controls on visits by foreign reporters.
In a statement in response to the PLA Daily report, Dilxat Raxit, a spokesman for exile group the World Uyghur Congress, said: "The
Paris attacks gave China a political excuse to brazenly use
flamethrowers to clamp down on unarmed Uighurs who have no just legal
protection and who seek to avoid arrest."
Senior
Chinese officials have increasingly described the security challenges
in Xinjiang as an important front in the global fight against terrorism.
Western nations, however, have been reluctant to cooperate in China's
anti-terrorism campaign there, nervous about being implicated in
possible rights abuses.
The world is
democratising and Nigeria finally joined the league of other democratic
nations 16 years ago after our previous attempts collapsed like a pack
of cards. Under a despot who died with his boots on, we saw the ghosts
of late dictators hovering over Nigeria like Ismail Enver Pasha, leader
of the Ottoman Empire during the Balkan Wars and World War I, North
Korea’s Kim II-Sung's dictatorial leader who led the country in a
dreadful direction.
Others are Mao Zedong of China, communist leader and revolutionary who led the People’s Republic of China, and back in Africa, Mengistu Haile Mariam of Ethiopia who led the country from 1974 to 1991 and initiated The Red Terror campaign that recorded the worst mass murder ever in Africa and, of course, the self-acclaimed Field Marshall, Idi Amin Dada whose rule like we have today in Nigeria was marked with brutality, human rights abuse and ethnic persecution calling to mind the ongoing suppression of the Igbo nation.
At the period under sad review, many of us who objected to the absolute power wielded by the late dark-goggled Aso Rock dictator had no option but to flee the country. This was in the heat of pro-democracy struggle in Nigeria amid state-linked killings and brutal repressions worse than nazi-Germany.
Voices of reason like the late National Democratic Coalition chieftain and elder statesman Chief Anthony Enahoro had to flee the country when he was marked out for death, the Nigerian literary guru - the Nobel Laureate - Nigeria's pride, Prof. Wole Soyinka and many others who were at the forefront of the pro-democracy struggle had to follow suit resulting from an ill-conceived plan to send them to their untimely graves. These were indeed dark days in our nation's history.
The late despot Sani Abacha 'may God rest his soul' has probably not left the four walls of a secondary grammar school somewhere in the desert city of Kano when the late elder statesman he had planned to cut down moved the historic motion of Nigeria's independence back in 1953 from British rule, a country which he later bestrode like a colossus. Many other NADECO chieftains among whom were Pa Alfred Rewane, Kudirat Abiola were hit and the uncrowned winner of 1993 presidential election in Nigeria, Chief Abiola was unduly incarcerated and died while in detention. In fact, so many things went wrong so much so that one loathes the distinctive Nigerian identity.
That period, however, remains the darkest part of our nation's night but like a bolt from the blue we were freed from that yoke that heralded a return to civil democratic rule through the agency of the self-styled evil genius. I know many would contest this, but it is undeniably true. Gen. Abdulsalami Abubakar would probably have held on to power like other sit-tight African leaders but contrary to all expectations he heeded the advice of his boss Gen. Ibrahim Babangida as matters were somewhat getting out of hand probably from some esprit de corps developed through comradeship resolved to end the military rule that ultimately ushered in civilian government in 1999 with his handpicked former boss President Olusegun Obasanjo to lead Nigeria again.
Thus, the military forces were sent back and had them confined to the barracks to concentrate on their statutory duty of defending the country instead of playing the neophyte actors in the governance chess game He earns my respect for this rare display of magnanimity.
This marked the dawn of a new era in Nigeria which was none other than a welcome relief today it is becoming a less savoury experiment. Having watched behind the scenes, I do not, frankly, think the dividends of democracy were enjoyed beyond former President Olusegun's tenure. When President Yar 'Adua took ill and inevitably went the way of all flesh, President Jonathan completed his tenure in accordance with the provisions of the constitution and contested which he won in 2011. That victory cost Nigeria so many things resulting from one man's intransigence which ultimately transformed into aggression and violence.
The riot and consequent killings that trailed
Read more at: http://www.thenigerianvoice.com/news/197344/50/ekweremadus-assassination-bid-apc-killer-squad-on-.html
Others are Mao Zedong of China, communist leader and revolutionary who led the People’s Republic of China, and back in Africa, Mengistu Haile Mariam of Ethiopia who led the country from 1974 to 1991 and initiated The Red Terror campaign that recorded the worst mass murder ever in Africa and, of course, the self-acclaimed Field Marshall, Idi Amin Dada whose rule like we have today in Nigeria was marked with brutality, human rights abuse and ethnic persecution calling to mind the ongoing suppression of the Igbo nation.
At the period under sad review, many of us who objected to the absolute power wielded by the late dark-goggled Aso Rock dictator had no option but to flee the country. This was in the heat of pro-democracy struggle in Nigeria amid state-linked killings and brutal repressions worse than nazi-Germany.
Voices of reason like the late National Democratic Coalition chieftain and elder statesman Chief Anthony Enahoro had to flee the country when he was marked out for death, the Nigerian literary guru - the Nobel Laureate - Nigeria's pride, Prof. Wole Soyinka and many others who were at the forefront of the pro-democracy struggle had to follow suit resulting from an ill-conceived plan to send them to their untimely graves. These were indeed dark days in our nation's history.
The late despot Sani Abacha 'may God rest his soul' has probably not left the four walls of a secondary grammar school somewhere in the desert city of Kano when the late elder statesman he had planned to cut down moved the historic motion of Nigeria's independence back in 1953 from British rule, a country which he later bestrode like a colossus. Many other NADECO chieftains among whom were Pa Alfred Rewane, Kudirat Abiola were hit and the uncrowned winner of 1993 presidential election in Nigeria, Chief Abiola was unduly incarcerated and died while in detention. In fact, so many things went wrong so much so that one loathes the distinctive Nigerian identity.
That period, however, remains the darkest part of our nation's night but like a bolt from the blue we were freed from that yoke that heralded a return to civil democratic rule through the agency of the self-styled evil genius. I know many would contest this, but it is undeniably true. Gen. Abdulsalami Abubakar would probably have held on to power like other sit-tight African leaders but contrary to all expectations he heeded the advice of his boss Gen. Ibrahim Babangida as matters were somewhat getting out of hand probably from some esprit de corps developed through comradeship resolved to end the military rule that ultimately ushered in civilian government in 1999 with his handpicked former boss President Olusegun Obasanjo to lead Nigeria again.
Thus, the military forces were sent back and had them confined to the barracks to concentrate on their statutory duty of defending the country instead of playing the neophyte actors in the governance chess game He earns my respect for this rare display of magnanimity.
This marked the dawn of a new era in Nigeria which was none other than a welcome relief today it is becoming a less savoury experiment. Having watched behind the scenes, I do not, frankly, think the dividends of democracy were enjoyed beyond former President Olusegun's tenure. When President Yar 'Adua took ill and inevitably went the way of all flesh, President Jonathan completed his tenure in accordance with the provisions of the constitution and contested which he won in 2011. That victory cost Nigeria so many things resulting from one man's intransigence which ultimately transformed into aggression and violence.
The riot and consequent killings that trailed
Read more at: http://www.thenigerianvoice.com/news/197344/50/ekweremadus-assassination-bid-apc-killer-squad-on-.html
The world is
democratising and Nigeria finally joined the league of other democratic
nations 16 years ago after our previous attempts collapsed like a pack
of cards. Under a despot who died with his boots on, we saw the ghosts
of late dictators hovering over Nigeria like Ismail Enver Pasha, leader
of the Ottoman Empire during the Balkan Wars and World War I, North
Korea’s Kim II-Sung's dictatorial leader who led the country in a
dreadful direction.
Others are Mao Zedong of China, communist leader and revolutionary who led the People’s Republic of China, and back in Africa, Mengistu Haile Mariam of Ethiopia who led the country from 1974 to 1991 and initiated The Red Terror campaign that recorded the worst mass murder ever in Africa and, of course, the self-acclaimed Field Marshall, Idi Amin Dada whose rule like we have today in Nigeria was marked with brutality, human rights abuse and ethnic persecution calling to mind the ongoing suppression of the Igbo nation.
At the period under sad review, many of us who objected to the absolute power wielded by the late dark-goggled Aso Rock dictator had no option but to flee the country. This was in the heat of pro-democracy struggle in Nigeria amid state-linked killings and brutal repressions worse than nazi-Germany.
Voices of reason like the late National Democratic Coalition chieftain and elder statesman Chief Anthony Enahoro had to flee the country when he was marked out for death, the Nigerian literary guru - the Nobel Laureate - Nigeria's pride, Prof. Wole Soyinka and many others who were at the forefront of the pro-democracy struggle had to follow suit resulting from an ill-conceived plan to send them to their untimely graves. These were indeed dark days in our nation's history.
The late despot Sani Abacha 'may God rest his soul' has probably not left the four walls of a secondary grammar school somewhere in the desert city of Kano when the late elder statesman he had planned to cut down moved the historic motion of Nigeria's independence back in 1953 from British rule, a country which he later bestrode like a colossus. Many other NADECO chieftains among whom were Pa Alfred Rewane, Kudirat Abiola were hit and the uncrowned winner of 1993 presidential election in Nigeria, Chief Abiola was unduly incarcerated and died while in detention. In fact, so many things went wrong so much so that one loathes the distinctive Nigerian identity.
That period, however, remains the darkest part of our nation's night but like a bolt from the blue we were freed from that yoke that heralded a return to civil democratic rule through the agency of the self-styled evil genius. I know many would contest this, but it is undeniably true. Gen. Abdulsalami Abubakar would probably have held on to power like other sit-tight African leaders but contrary to all expectations he heeded the advice of his boss Gen. Ibrahim Babangida as matters were somewhat getting out of hand probably from some esprit de corps developed through comradeship resolved to end the military rule that ultimately ushered in civilian government in 1999 with his handpicked former boss President Olusegun Obasanjo to lead Nigeria again.
Thus, the military forces were sent back and had them confined to the barracks to concentrate on their statutory duty of defending the country instead of playing the neophyte actors in the governance chess game He earns my respect for this rare display of magnanimity.
This marked the dawn of a new era in Nigeria which was none other than a welcome relief today it is becoming a less savoury experiment. Having watched behind the scenes, I do not, frankly, think the dividends of democracy were enjoyed beyond former President Olusegun's tenure. When President Yar 'Adua took ill and inevitably went the way of all flesh, President Jonathan completed his tenure in accordance with the provisions of the constitution and contested which he won in 2011. That victory cost Nigeria so many things resulting from one man's intransigence which ultimately transformed into aggression and violence.
Read more at: http://www.thenigerianvoice.com/news/197344/50/ekweremadus-assassination-bid-apc-killer-squad-on-.html
Others are Mao Zedong of China, communist leader and revolutionary who led the People’s Republic of China, and back in Africa, Mengistu Haile Mariam of Ethiopia who led the country from 1974 to 1991 and initiated The Red Terror campaign that recorded the worst mass murder ever in Africa and, of course, the self-acclaimed Field Marshall, Idi Amin Dada whose rule like we have today in Nigeria was marked with brutality, human rights abuse and ethnic persecution calling to mind the ongoing suppression of the Igbo nation.
At the period under sad review, many of us who objected to the absolute power wielded by the late dark-goggled Aso Rock dictator had no option but to flee the country. This was in the heat of pro-democracy struggle in Nigeria amid state-linked killings and brutal repressions worse than nazi-Germany.
Voices of reason like the late National Democratic Coalition chieftain and elder statesman Chief Anthony Enahoro had to flee the country when he was marked out for death, the Nigerian literary guru - the Nobel Laureate - Nigeria's pride, Prof. Wole Soyinka and many others who were at the forefront of the pro-democracy struggle had to follow suit resulting from an ill-conceived plan to send them to their untimely graves. These were indeed dark days in our nation's history.
The late despot Sani Abacha 'may God rest his soul' has probably not left the four walls of a secondary grammar school somewhere in the desert city of Kano when the late elder statesman he had planned to cut down moved the historic motion of Nigeria's independence back in 1953 from British rule, a country which he later bestrode like a colossus. Many other NADECO chieftains among whom were Pa Alfred Rewane, Kudirat Abiola were hit and the uncrowned winner of 1993 presidential election in Nigeria, Chief Abiola was unduly incarcerated and died while in detention. In fact, so many things went wrong so much so that one loathes the distinctive Nigerian identity.
That period, however, remains the darkest part of our nation's night but like a bolt from the blue we were freed from that yoke that heralded a return to civil democratic rule through the agency of the self-styled evil genius. I know many would contest this, but it is undeniably true. Gen. Abdulsalami Abubakar would probably have held on to power like other sit-tight African leaders but contrary to all expectations he heeded the advice of his boss Gen. Ibrahim Babangida as matters were somewhat getting out of hand probably from some esprit de corps developed through comradeship resolved to end the military rule that ultimately ushered in civilian government in 1999 with his handpicked former boss President Olusegun Obasanjo to lead Nigeria again.
Thus, the military forces were sent back and had them confined to the barracks to concentrate on their statutory duty of defending the country instead of playing the neophyte actors in the governance chess game He earns my respect for this rare display of magnanimity.
This marked the dawn of a new era in Nigeria which was none other than a welcome relief today it is becoming a less savoury experiment. Having watched behind the scenes, I do not, frankly, think the dividends of democracy were enjoyed beyond former President Olusegun's tenure. When President Yar 'Adua took ill and inevitably went the way of all flesh, President Jonathan completed his tenure in accordance with the provisions of the constitution and contested which he won in 2011. That victory cost Nigeria so many things resulting from one man's intransigence which ultimately transformed into aggression and violence.
Read more at: http://www.thenigerianvoice.com/news/197344/50/ekweremadus-assassination-bid-apc-killer-squad-on-.html
The world is
democratising and Nigeria finally joined the league of other democratic
nations 16 years ago after our previous attempts collapsed like a pack
of cards. Under a despot who died with his boots on, we saw the ghosts
of late dictators hovering over Nigeria like Ismail Enver Pasha, leader
of the Ottoman Empire during the Balkan Wars and World War I, North
Korea’s Kim II-Sung's dictatorial leader who led the country in a
dreadful direction.
Others are Mao Zedong of China, communist leader and revolutionary who led the People’s Republic of China, and back in Africa, Mengistu Haile Mariam of Ethiopia who led the country from 1974 to 1991 and initiated The Red Terror campaign that recorded the worst mass murder ever in Africa and, of course, the self-acclaimed Field Marshall, Idi Amin Dada whose rule like we have today in Nigeria was marked with brutality, human rights abuse and ethnic persecution calling to mind the ongoing suppression of the Igbo nation.
At the period under sad review, many of us who objected to the absolute power wielded by the late dark-goggled Aso Rock dictator had no option but to flee the country. This was in the heat of pro-democracy struggle in Nigeria amid state-linked killings and brutal repressions worse than nazi-Germany.
Voices of reason like the late National Democratic Coalition chieftain and elder statesman Chief Anthony Enahoro had to flee the country when he was marked out for death, the Nigerian literary guru - the Nobel Laureate - Nigeria's pride, Prof. Wole Soyinka and many others who were at the forefront of the pro-democracy struggle had to follow suit resulting from an ill-conceived plan to send them to their untimely graves. These were indeed dark days in our nation's history.
The late despot Sani Abacha 'may God rest his soul' has probably not left the four walls of a secondary grammar school somewhere in the desert city of Kano when the late elder statesman he had planned to cut down moved the historic motion of Nigeria's independence back in 1953 from British rule, a country which he later bestrode like a colossus. Many other NADECO chieftains among whom were Pa Alfred Rewane, Kudirat Abiola were hit and the uncrowned winner of 1993 presidential election in Nigeria, Chief Abiola was unduly incarcerated and died while in detention. In fact, so many things went wrong so much so that one loathes the distinctive Nigerian identity.
That period, however, remains the darkest part of our nation's night but like a bolt from the blue we were freed from that yoke that heralded a return to civil democratic rule through the agency of the self-styled evil genius. I know many would contest this, but it is undeniably true. Gen. Abdulsalami Abubakar would probably have held on to power like other sit-tight African leaders but contrary to all expectations he heeded the advice of his boss Gen. Ibrahim Babangida as matters were somewhat getting out of hand probably from some esprit de corps developed through comradeship resolved to end the military rule that ultimately ushered in civilian government in 1999 with his handpicked former boss President Olusegun Obasanjo to lead Nigeria again.
Thus, the military forces were sent back and had them confined to the barracks to concentrate on their statutory duty of defending the country instead of playing the neophyte actors in the governance chess game He earns my respect for this rare display of magnanimity.
This marked the dawn of a new era in Nigeria which was none other than a welcome relief today it is becoming a less savoury experiment. Having watched behind the scenes, I do not, frankly, think the dividends of democracy were enjoyed beyond former President Olusegun's tenure. When President Yar 'Adua took ill and inevitably went the way of all flesh, President Jonathan completed his tenure in accordance with the provisions of the constitution and contested which he won in 2011. That victory cost Nigeria so many things resulting from one man's intransigence which ultimately transformed into aggression and violence.
The riot and consequent killings that trailed the 2011 presidential election in Nigeria soon after former President Jonathan was declared the winner by beating the then closest opponent, Gen. Muhammadu Buhari (Rtd.) ominously threatened our nascent democracy in the face. In the years that followed while Jonathan ruled, we saw Nigeria gyrating between panic attacks and undefined hopes until he fell prey to a grand conspiracy that booted him out of Aso Rock to his Otueke ancestral home on May 29, 2015.
A new Sheriff and an ethics policeman took charge. It is six calendar months today that power like the 'marshal's baton' was given to President Muhammadu Buhari after his party, the All Progressive Congress, won by a landslide. Driven by his party's change slogan he delved into work and began cleansing the Augean stables. The first shocker we got when he assumed office was to order bombing raids on Cross-Rivers creek communities that left many defenceless civilians, including children and women dead.
That was a danger signal and the atmosphere reeked of blood and foreboded repression - a sad pointer that the leopard could never change its spots. We had earlier recorded deaths in 2011 when it became clear that he had lost the presidential election and the deaths again recorded by the bombings he ordered in Cross-Rivers was a sad reminder which only swelled the number. These are harrowing incidents that keep this writer astounded in no small measure.
In a bid to cleanse the proverbial Augean stables what we visibly see is nothing short of a harrowing departure from all accepted norms and procedures. You are labelled an undesirable and consequently marked out for a tragic fate once you are not on the same page with the regime in Abuja while the party partisans and apologists have become the rightful heirs of our common patrimony.
This brings the assassination bid of Nigeria's Deputy Senate President Ekweremadu into focus. It has made news headlines across the globe and the international community has been watching what is happening in Nigeria which is fundamentally opposed to all accepted democratic norms and this leaves the country risk-averse. There is no denying the fact that there are traces of brutality, human right abuse and ethnic abuse in Nigeria under the present Buhari regime like the world witnessed when Amin ruled over Uganda that qualified him for a despot.
Be that as it may, reports making the rounds say soon after the attempt on Ekweremadu's life, his seat was methodically and dramatically taken by Senator Remi Tinubu in the Red Chambers and our Honourable men and women watched helplessly in consternation. This story, frankly, is better imagined than real.
In civilized world as the manhunt for the killer squad begins, if the drama that reportedly took place in the senate chamber is anything to go by Sen. Remi Tinubu runs the risk of being thoroughly investigated and implicated in that heinous crime commencing with wiretapping, surveillance and e-mail monitoring but, who is there to bell the proverbial cat when the ruling APC, according to the PDP, may have recruited the killer squad on the prowl?
Iyoha John Darlington, a scholar, an opinion leader and public commentator on national and global issues writes from Turin, Italy.
Read more at: http://www.thenigerianvoice.com/news/197344/50/ekweremadus-assassination-bid-apc-killer-squad-on-.html
Others are Mao Zedong of China, communist leader and revolutionary who led the People’s Republic of China, and back in Africa, Mengistu Haile Mariam of Ethiopia who led the country from 1974 to 1991 and initiated The Red Terror campaign that recorded the worst mass murder ever in Africa and, of course, the self-acclaimed Field Marshall, Idi Amin Dada whose rule like we have today in Nigeria was marked with brutality, human rights abuse and ethnic persecution calling to mind the ongoing suppression of the Igbo nation.
At the period under sad review, many of us who objected to the absolute power wielded by the late dark-goggled Aso Rock dictator had no option but to flee the country. This was in the heat of pro-democracy struggle in Nigeria amid state-linked killings and brutal repressions worse than nazi-Germany.
Voices of reason like the late National Democratic Coalition chieftain and elder statesman Chief Anthony Enahoro had to flee the country when he was marked out for death, the Nigerian literary guru - the Nobel Laureate - Nigeria's pride, Prof. Wole Soyinka and many others who were at the forefront of the pro-democracy struggle had to follow suit resulting from an ill-conceived plan to send them to their untimely graves. These were indeed dark days in our nation's history.
The late despot Sani Abacha 'may God rest his soul' has probably not left the four walls of a secondary grammar school somewhere in the desert city of Kano when the late elder statesman he had planned to cut down moved the historic motion of Nigeria's independence back in 1953 from British rule, a country which he later bestrode like a colossus. Many other NADECO chieftains among whom were Pa Alfred Rewane, Kudirat Abiola were hit and the uncrowned winner of 1993 presidential election in Nigeria, Chief Abiola was unduly incarcerated and died while in detention. In fact, so many things went wrong so much so that one loathes the distinctive Nigerian identity.
That period, however, remains the darkest part of our nation's night but like a bolt from the blue we were freed from that yoke that heralded a return to civil democratic rule through the agency of the self-styled evil genius. I know many would contest this, but it is undeniably true. Gen. Abdulsalami Abubakar would probably have held on to power like other sit-tight African leaders but contrary to all expectations he heeded the advice of his boss Gen. Ibrahim Babangida as matters were somewhat getting out of hand probably from some esprit de corps developed through comradeship resolved to end the military rule that ultimately ushered in civilian government in 1999 with his handpicked former boss President Olusegun Obasanjo to lead Nigeria again.
Thus, the military forces were sent back and had them confined to the barracks to concentrate on their statutory duty of defending the country instead of playing the neophyte actors in the governance chess game He earns my respect for this rare display of magnanimity.
This marked the dawn of a new era in Nigeria which was none other than a welcome relief today it is becoming a less savoury experiment. Having watched behind the scenes, I do not, frankly, think the dividends of democracy were enjoyed beyond former President Olusegun's tenure. When President Yar 'Adua took ill and inevitably went the way of all flesh, President Jonathan completed his tenure in accordance with the provisions of the constitution and contested which he won in 2011. That victory cost Nigeria so many things resulting from one man's intransigence which ultimately transformed into aggression and violence.
The riot and consequent killings that trailed the 2011 presidential election in Nigeria soon after former President Jonathan was declared the winner by beating the then closest opponent, Gen. Muhammadu Buhari (Rtd.) ominously threatened our nascent democracy in the face. In the years that followed while Jonathan ruled, we saw Nigeria gyrating between panic attacks and undefined hopes until he fell prey to a grand conspiracy that booted him out of Aso Rock to his Otueke ancestral home on May 29, 2015.
A new Sheriff and an ethics policeman took charge. It is six calendar months today that power like the 'marshal's baton' was given to President Muhammadu Buhari after his party, the All Progressive Congress, won by a landslide. Driven by his party's change slogan he delved into work and began cleansing the Augean stables. The first shocker we got when he assumed office was to order bombing raids on Cross-Rivers creek communities that left many defenceless civilians, including children and women dead.
That was a danger signal and the atmosphere reeked of blood and foreboded repression - a sad pointer that the leopard could never change its spots. We had earlier recorded deaths in 2011 when it became clear that he had lost the presidential election and the deaths again recorded by the bombings he ordered in Cross-Rivers was a sad reminder which only swelled the number. These are harrowing incidents that keep this writer astounded in no small measure.
In a bid to cleanse the proverbial Augean stables what we visibly see is nothing short of a harrowing departure from all accepted norms and procedures. You are labelled an undesirable and consequently marked out for a tragic fate once you are not on the same page with the regime in Abuja while the party partisans and apologists have become the rightful heirs of our common patrimony.
This brings the assassination bid of Nigeria's Deputy Senate President Ekweremadu into focus. It has made news headlines across the globe and the international community has been watching what is happening in Nigeria which is fundamentally opposed to all accepted democratic norms and this leaves the country risk-averse. There is no denying the fact that there are traces of brutality, human right abuse and ethnic abuse in Nigeria under the present Buhari regime like the world witnessed when Amin ruled over Uganda that qualified him for a despot.
Be that as it may, reports making the rounds say soon after the attempt on Ekweremadu's life, his seat was methodically and dramatically taken by Senator Remi Tinubu in the Red Chambers and our Honourable men and women watched helplessly in consternation. This story, frankly, is better imagined than real.
In civilized world as the manhunt for the killer squad begins, if the drama that reportedly took place in the senate chamber is anything to go by Sen. Remi Tinubu runs the risk of being thoroughly investigated and implicated in that heinous crime commencing with wiretapping, surveillance and e-mail monitoring but, who is there to bell the proverbial cat when the ruling APC, according to the PDP, may have recruited the killer squad on the prowl?
Iyoha John Darlington, a scholar, an opinion leader and public commentator on national and global issues writes from Turin, Italy.
Read more at: http://www.thenigerianvoice.com/news/197344/50/ekweremadus-assassination-bid-apc-killer-squad-on-.html
The world is
democratising and Nigeria finally joined the league of other democratic
nations 16 years ago after our previous attempts collapsed like a pack
of cards. Under a despot who died with his boots on, we saw the ghosts
of late dictators hovering over Nigeria like Ismail Enver Pasha, leader
of the Ottoman Empire during the Balkan Wars and World War I, North
Korea’s Kim II-Sung's dictatorial leader who led the country in a
dreadful direction.
Others are Mao Zedong of China, communist leader and revolutionary who led the People’s Republic of China, and back in Africa, Mengistu Haile Mariam of Ethiopia who led the country from 1974 to 1991 and initiated The Red Terror campaign that recorded the worst mass murder ever in Africa and, of course, the self-acclaimed Field Marshall, Idi Amin Dada whose rule like we have today in Nigeria was marked with brutality, human rights abuse and ethnic persecution calling to mind the ongoing suppression of the Igbo nation.
At the period under sad review, many of us who objected to the absolute power wielded by the late dark-goggled Aso Rock dictator had no option but to flee the country. This was in the heat of pro-democracy struggle in Nigeria amid state-linked killings and brutal repressions worse than nazi-Germany.
Voices of reason like the late National Democratic Coalition chieftain and elder statesman Chief Anthony Enahoro had to flee the country when he was marked out for death, the Nigerian literary guru - the Nobel Laureate - Nigeria's pride, Prof. Wole Soyinka and many others who were at the forefront of the pro-democracy struggle had to follow suit resulting from an ill-conceived plan to send them to their untimely graves. These were indeed dark days in our nation's history.
The late despot Sani Abacha 'may God rest his soul' has probably not left the four walls of a secondary grammar school somewhere in the desert city of Kano when the late elder statesman he had planned to cut down moved the historic motion of Nigeria's independence back in 1953 from British rule, a country which he later bestrode like a colossus. Many other NADECO chieftains among whom were Pa Alfred Rewane, Kudirat Abiola were hit and the uncrowned winner of 1993 presidential election in Nigeria, Chief Abiola was unduly incarcerated and died while in detention. In fact, so many things went wrong so much so that one loathes the distinctive Nigerian identity.
That period, however, remains the darkest part of our nation's night but like a bolt from the blue we were freed from that yoke that heralded a return to civil democratic rule through the agency of the self-styled evil genius. I know many would contest this, but it is undeniably true. Gen. Abdulsalami Abubakar would probably have held on to power like other sit-tight African leaders but contrary to all expectations he heeded the advice of his boss Gen. Ibrahim Babangida as matters were somewhat getting out of hand probably from some esprit de corps developed through comradeship resolved to end the military rule that ultimately ushered in civilian government in 1999 with his handpicked former boss President Olusegun Obasanjo to lead Nigeria again.
Thus, the military forces were sent back and had them confined to the barracks to concentrate on their statutory duty of defending the country instead of playing the neophyte actors in the governance chess game He earns my respect for this rare display of magnanimity.
This marked the dawn of a new era in Nigeria which was none other than a welcome relief today it is becoming a less savoury experiment. Having watched behind the scenes, I do not, frankly, think the dividends of democracy were enjoyed beyond former President Olusegun's tenure. When President Yar 'Adua took ill and inevitably went the way of all flesh, President Jonathan completed his tenure in accordance with the provisions of the constitution and contested which he won in 2011. That victory cost Nigeria so many things resulting from one man's intransigence which ultimately transformed into aggression and violence.
The riot and consequent killings that trailed the 2011 presidential election in Nigeria soon after former President Jonathan was declared the winner by beating the then closest opponent, Gen. Muhammadu Buhari (Rtd.) ominously threatened our nascent democracy in the face. In the years that followed while Jonathan ruled, we saw Nigeria gyrating between panic attacks and undefined hopes until he fell prey to a grand conspiracy that booted him out of Aso Rock to his Otueke ancestral home on May 29, 2015.
A new Sheriff and an ethics policeman took charge. It is six calendar months today that power like the 'marshal's baton' was given to President Muhammadu Buhari after his party, the All Progressive Congress, won by a landslide. Driven by his party's change slogan he delved into work and began cleansing the Augean stables. The first shocker we got when he assumed office was to order bombing raids on Cross-Rivers creek communities that left many defenceless civilians, including children and women dead.
That was a danger signal and the atmosphere reeked of blood and foreboded repression - a sad pointer that the leopard could never change its spots. We had earlier recorded deaths in 2011 when it became clear that he had lost the presidential election and the deaths again recorded by the bombings he ordered in Cross-Rivers was a sad reminder which only swelled the number. These are harrowing incidents that keep this writer astounded in no small measure.
In a bid to cleanse the proverbial Augean stables what we visibly see is nothing short of a harrowing departure from all accepted norms and procedures. You are labelled an undesirable and consequently marked out for a tragic fate once you are not on the same page with the regime in Abuja while the party partisans and apologists have become the rightful heirs of our common patrimony.
This brings the assassination bid of Nigeria's Deputy Senate President Ekweremadu into focus. It has made news headlines across the globe and the international community has been watching what is happening in Nigeria which is fundamentally opposed to all accepted democratic norms and this leaves the country risk-averse. There is no denying the fact that there are traces of brutality, human right abuse and ethnic abuse in Nigeria under the present Buhari regime like the world witnessed when Amin ruled over Uganda that qualified him for a despot.
Be that as it may, reports making the rounds say soon after the attempt on Ekweremadu's life, his seat was methodically and dramatically taken by Senator Remi Tinubu in the Red Chambers and our Honourable men and women watched helplessly in consternation. This story, frankly, is better imagined than real.
In civilized world as the manhunt for the killer squad begins, if the drama that reportedly took place in the senate chamber is anything to go by Sen. Remi Tinubu runs the risk of being thoroughly investigated and implicated in that heinous crime commencing with wiretapping, surveillance and e-mail monitoring but, who is there to bell the proverbial cat when the ruling APC, according to the PDP, may have recruited the killer squad on the prowl?
Iyoha John Darlington, a scholar, an opinion leader and public commentator on national and global issues writes from Turin, Italy.
Read more at: http://www.thenigerianvoice.com/news/197344/50/ekweremadus-assassination-bid-apc-killer-squad-on-.html
Others are Mao Zedong of China, communist leader and revolutionary who led the People’s Republic of China, and back in Africa, Mengistu Haile Mariam of Ethiopia who led the country from 1974 to 1991 and initiated The Red Terror campaign that recorded the worst mass murder ever in Africa and, of course, the self-acclaimed Field Marshall, Idi Amin Dada whose rule like we have today in Nigeria was marked with brutality, human rights abuse and ethnic persecution calling to mind the ongoing suppression of the Igbo nation.
At the period under sad review, many of us who objected to the absolute power wielded by the late dark-goggled Aso Rock dictator had no option but to flee the country. This was in the heat of pro-democracy struggle in Nigeria amid state-linked killings and brutal repressions worse than nazi-Germany.
Voices of reason like the late National Democratic Coalition chieftain and elder statesman Chief Anthony Enahoro had to flee the country when he was marked out for death, the Nigerian literary guru - the Nobel Laureate - Nigeria's pride, Prof. Wole Soyinka and many others who were at the forefront of the pro-democracy struggle had to follow suit resulting from an ill-conceived plan to send them to their untimely graves. These were indeed dark days in our nation's history.
The late despot Sani Abacha 'may God rest his soul' has probably not left the four walls of a secondary grammar school somewhere in the desert city of Kano when the late elder statesman he had planned to cut down moved the historic motion of Nigeria's independence back in 1953 from British rule, a country which he later bestrode like a colossus. Many other NADECO chieftains among whom were Pa Alfred Rewane, Kudirat Abiola were hit and the uncrowned winner of 1993 presidential election in Nigeria, Chief Abiola was unduly incarcerated and died while in detention. In fact, so many things went wrong so much so that one loathes the distinctive Nigerian identity.
That period, however, remains the darkest part of our nation's night but like a bolt from the blue we were freed from that yoke that heralded a return to civil democratic rule through the agency of the self-styled evil genius. I know many would contest this, but it is undeniably true. Gen. Abdulsalami Abubakar would probably have held on to power like other sit-tight African leaders but contrary to all expectations he heeded the advice of his boss Gen. Ibrahim Babangida as matters were somewhat getting out of hand probably from some esprit de corps developed through comradeship resolved to end the military rule that ultimately ushered in civilian government in 1999 with his handpicked former boss President Olusegun Obasanjo to lead Nigeria again.
Thus, the military forces were sent back and had them confined to the barracks to concentrate on their statutory duty of defending the country instead of playing the neophyte actors in the governance chess game He earns my respect for this rare display of magnanimity.
This marked the dawn of a new era in Nigeria which was none other than a welcome relief today it is becoming a less savoury experiment. Having watched behind the scenes, I do not, frankly, think the dividends of democracy were enjoyed beyond former President Olusegun's tenure. When President Yar 'Adua took ill and inevitably went the way of all flesh, President Jonathan completed his tenure in accordance with the provisions of the constitution and contested which he won in 2011. That victory cost Nigeria so many things resulting from one man's intransigence which ultimately transformed into aggression and violence.
The riot and consequent killings that trailed the 2011 presidential election in Nigeria soon after former President Jonathan was declared the winner by beating the then closest opponent, Gen. Muhammadu Buhari (Rtd.) ominously threatened our nascent democracy in the face. In the years that followed while Jonathan ruled, we saw Nigeria gyrating between panic attacks and undefined hopes until he fell prey to a grand conspiracy that booted him out of Aso Rock to his Otueke ancestral home on May 29, 2015.
A new Sheriff and an ethics policeman took charge. It is six calendar months today that power like the 'marshal's baton' was given to President Muhammadu Buhari after his party, the All Progressive Congress, won by a landslide. Driven by his party's change slogan he delved into work and began cleansing the Augean stables. The first shocker we got when he assumed office was to order bombing raids on Cross-Rivers creek communities that left many defenceless civilians, including children and women dead.
That was a danger signal and the atmosphere reeked of blood and foreboded repression - a sad pointer that the leopard could never change its spots. We had earlier recorded deaths in 2011 when it became clear that he had lost the presidential election and the deaths again recorded by the bombings he ordered in Cross-Rivers was a sad reminder which only swelled the number. These are harrowing incidents that keep this writer astounded in no small measure.
In a bid to cleanse the proverbial Augean stables what we visibly see is nothing short of a harrowing departure from all accepted norms and procedures. You are labelled an undesirable and consequently marked out for a tragic fate once you are not on the same page with the regime in Abuja while the party partisans and apologists have become the rightful heirs of our common patrimony.
This brings the assassination bid of Nigeria's Deputy Senate President Ekweremadu into focus. It has made news headlines across the globe and the international community has been watching what is happening in Nigeria which is fundamentally opposed to all accepted democratic norms and this leaves the country risk-averse. There is no denying the fact that there are traces of brutality, human right abuse and ethnic abuse in Nigeria under the present Buhari regime like the world witnessed when Amin ruled over Uganda that qualified him for a despot.
Be that as it may, reports making the rounds say soon after the attempt on Ekweremadu's life, his seat was methodically and dramatically taken by Senator Remi Tinubu in the Red Chambers and our Honourable men and women watched helplessly in consternation. This story, frankly, is better imagined than real.
In civilized world as the manhunt for the killer squad begins, if the drama that reportedly took place in the senate chamber is anything to go by Sen. Remi Tinubu runs the risk of being thoroughly investigated and implicated in that heinous crime commencing with wiretapping, surveillance and e-mail monitoring but, who is there to bell the proverbial cat when the ruling APC, according to the PDP, may have recruited the killer squad on the prowl?
Iyoha John Darlington, a scholar, an opinion leader and public commentator on national and global issues writes from Turin, Italy.
Read more at: http://www.thenigerianvoice.com/news/197344/50/ekweremadus-assassination-bid-apc-killer-squad-on-.html
The world is
democratising and Nigeria finally joined the league of other democratic
nations 16 years ago after our previous attempts collapsed like a pack
of cards. Under a despot who died with his boots on, we saw the ghosts
of late dictators hovering over Nigeria like Ismail Enver Pasha, leader
of the Ottoman Empire during the Balkan Wars and World War I, North
Korea’s Kim II-Sung's dictatorial leader who led the country in a
dreadful direction.
Others are Mao Zedong of China, communist leader and revolutionary who led the People’s Republic of China, and back in Africa, Mengistu Haile Mariam of Ethiopia who led the country from 1974 to 1991 and initiated The Red Terror campaign that recorded the worst mass murder ever in Africa and, of course, the self-acclaimed Field Marshall, Idi Amin Dada whose rule like we have today in Nigeria was marked with brutality, human rights abuse and ethnic persecution calling to mind the ongoing suppression of the Igbo nation.
At the period under sad review, many of us who objected to the absolute power wielded by the late dark-goggled Aso Rock dictator had no option but to flee the country. This was in the heat of pro-democracy struggle in Nigeria amid state-linked killings and brutal repressions worse than nazi-Germany.
Voices of reason like the late National Democratic Coalition chieftain and elder statesman Chief Anthony Enahoro had to flee the country when he was marked out for death, the Nigerian literary guru - the Nobel Laureate - Nigeria's pride, Prof. Wole Soyinka and many others who were at the forefront of the pro-democracy struggle had to follow suit resulting from an ill-conceived plan to send them to their untimely graves. These were indeed dark days in our nation's history.
The late despot Sani Abacha 'may God rest his soul' has probably not left the four walls of a secondary grammar school somewhere in the desert city of Kano when the late elder statesman he had planned to cut down moved the historic motion of Nigeria's independence back in 1953 from British rule, a country which he later bestrode like a colossus. Many other NADECO chieftains among whom were Pa Alfred Rewane, Kudirat Abiola were hit and the uncrowned winner of 1993 presidential election in Nigeria, Chief Abiola was unduly incarcerated and died while in detention. In fact, so many things went wrong so much so that one loathes the distinctive Nigerian identity.
That period, however, remains the darkest part of our nation's night but like a bolt from the blue we were freed from that yoke that heralded a return to civil democratic rule through the agency of the self-styled evil genius. I know many would contest this, but it is undeniably true. Gen. Abdulsalami Abubakar would probably have held on to power like other sit-tight African leaders but contrary to all expectations he heeded the advice of his boss Gen. Ibrahim Babangida as matters were somewhat getting out of hand probably from some esprit de corps developed through comradeship resolved to end the military rule that ultimately ushered in civilian government in 1999 with his handpicked former boss President Olusegun Obasanjo to lead Nigeria again.
Thus, the military forces were sent back and had them confined to the barracks to concentrate on their statutory duty of defending the country instead of playing the neophyte actors in the governance chess game He earns my respect for this rare display of magnanimity.
This marked the dawn of a new era in Nigeria which was none other than a welcome relief today it is becoming a less savoury experiment. Having watched behind the scenes, I do not, frankly, think the dividends of democracy were enjoyed beyond former President Olusegun's tenure. When President Yar 'Adua took ill and inevitably went the way of all flesh, President Jonathan completed his tenure in accordance with the provisions of the constitution and contested which he won in 2011. That victory cost Nigeria so many things resulting from one man's intransigence which ultimately transformed into aggression and violence.
The riot and consequent killings that trailed the 2011 presidential election in Nigeria soon after former President Jonathan was declared the winner by beating the then closest opponent, Gen. Muhammadu Buhari (Rtd.) ominously threatened our nascent democracy in the face. In the years that followed while Jonathan ruled, we saw Nigeria gyrating between panic attacks and undefined hopes until he fell prey to a grand conspiracy that booted him out of Aso Rock to his Otueke ancestral home on May 29, 2015.
A new Sheriff and an ethics policeman took charge. It is six calendar months today that power like the 'marshal's baton' was given to President Muhammadu Buhari after his party, the All Progressive Congress, won by a landslide. Driven by his party's change slogan he delved into work and began cleansing the Augean stables. The first shocker we got when he assumed office was to order bombing raids on Cross-Rivers creek communities that left many defenceless civilians, including children and women dead.
That was a danger signal and the atmosphere reeked of blood and foreboded repression - a sad pointer that the leopard could never change its spots. We had earlier recorded deaths in 2011 when it became clear that he had lost the presidential election and the deaths again recorded by the bombings he ordered in Cross-Rivers was a sad reminder which only swelled the number. These are harrowing incidents that keep this writer astounded in no small measure.
In a bid to cleanse the proverbial Augean stables what we visibly see is nothing short of a harrowing departure from all accepted norms and procedures. You are labelled an undesirable and consequently marked out for a tragic fate once you are not on the same page with the regime in Abuja while the party partisans and apologists have become the rightful heirs of our common patrimony.
This brings the assassination bid of Nigeria's Deputy Senate President Ekweremadu into focus. It has made news headlines across the globe and the international community has been watching what is happening in Nigeria which is fundamentally opposed to all accepted democratic norms and this leaves the country risk-averse. There is no denying the fact that there are traces of brutality, human right abuse and ethnic abuse in Nigeria under the present Buhari regime like the world witnessed when Amin ruled over Uganda that qualified him for a despot.
Be that as it may, reports making the rounds say soon after the attempt on Ekweremadu's life, his seat was methodically and dramatically taken by Senator Remi Tinubu in the Red Chambers and our Honourable men and women watched helplessly in consternation. This story, frankly, is better imagined than real.
In civilized world as the manhunt for the killer squad begins, if the drama that reportedly took place in the senate chamber is anything to go by Sen. Remi Tinubu runs the risk of being thoroughly investigated and implicated in that heinous crime commencing with wiretapping, surveillance and e-mail monitoring but, who is there to bell the proverbial cat when the ruling APC, according to the PDP, may have recruited the killer squad on the prowl?
Iyoha John Darlington, a scholar, an opinion leader and public commentator on national and global issues writes from Turin, Italy.
Read more at: http://www.thenigerianvoice.com/news/197344/50/ekweremadus-assassination-bid-apc-killer-squad-on-.html
Others are Mao Zedong of China, communist leader and revolutionary who led the People’s Republic of China, and back in Africa, Mengistu Haile Mariam of Ethiopia who led the country from 1974 to 1991 and initiated The Red Terror campaign that recorded the worst mass murder ever in Africa and, of course, the self-acclaimed Field Marshall, Idi Amin Dada whose rule like we have today in Nigeria was marked with brutality, human rights abuse and ethnic persecution calling to mind the ongoing suppression of the Igbo nation.
At the period under sad review, many of us who objected to the absolute power wielded by the late dark-goggled Aso Rock dictator had no option but to flee the country. This was in the heat of pro-democracy struggle in Nigeria amid state-linked killings and brutal repressions worse than nazi-Germany.
Voices of reason like the late National Democratic Coalition chieftain and elder statesman Chief Anthony Enahoro had to flee the country when he was marked out for death, the Nigerian literary guru - the Nobel Laureate - Nigeria's pride, Prof. Wole Soyinka and many others who were at the forefront of the pro-democracy struggle had to follow suit resulting from an ill-conceived plan to send them to their untimely graves. These were indeed dark days in our nation's history.
The late despot Sani Abacha 'may God rest his soul' has probably not left the four walls of a secondary grammar school somewhere in the desert city of Kano when the late elder statesman he had planned to cut down moved the historic motion of Nigeria's independence back in 1953 from British rule, a country which he later bestrode like a colossus. Many other NADECO chieftains among whom were Pa Alfred Rewane, Kudirat Abiola were hit and the uncrowned winner of 1993 presidential election in Nigeria, Chief Abiola was unduly incarcerated and died while in detention. In fact, so many things went wrong so much so that one loathes the distinctive Nigerian identity.
That period, however, remains the darkest part of our nation's night but like a bolt from the blue we were freed from that yoke that heralded a return to civil democratic rule through the agency of the self-styled evil genius. I know many would contest this, but it is undeniably true. Gen. Abdulsalami Abubakar would probably have held on to power like other sit-tight African leaders but contrary to all expectations he heeded the advice of his boss Gen. Ibrahim Babangida as matters were somewhat getting out of hand probably from some esprit de corps developed through comradeship resolved to end the military rule that ultimately ushered in civilian government in 1999 with his handpicked former boss President Olusegun Obasanjo to lead Nigeria again.
Thus, the military forces were sent back and had them confined to the barracks to concentrate on their statutory duty of defending the country instead of playing the neophyte actors in the governance chess game He earns my respect for this rare display of magnanimity.
This marked the dawn of a new era in Nigeria which was none other than a welcome relief today it is becoming a less savoury experiment. Having watched behind the scenes, I do not, frankly, think the dividends of democracy were enjoyed beyond former President Olusegun's tenure. When President Yar 'Adua took ill and inevitably went the way of all flesh, President Jonathan completed his tenure in accordance with the provisions of the constitution and contested which he won in 2011. That victory cost Nigeria so many things resulting from one man's intransigence which ultimately transformed into aggression and violence.
The riot and consequent killings that trailed the 2011 presidential election in Nigeria soon after former President Jonathan was declared the winner by beating the then closest opponent, Gen. Muhammadu Buhari (Rtd.) ominously threatened our nascent democracy in the face. In the years that followed while Jonathan ruled, we saw Nigeria gyrating between panic attacks and undefined hopes until he fell prey to a grand conspiracy that booted him out of Aso Rock to his Otueke ancestral home on May 29, 2015.
A new Sheriff and an ethics policeman took charge. It is six calendar months today that power like the 'marshal's baton' was given to President Muhammadu Buhari after his party, the All Progressive Congress, won by a landslide. Driven by his party's change slogan he delved into work and began cleansing the Augean stables. The first shocker we got when he assumed office was to order bombing raids on Cross-Rivers creek communities that left many defenceless civilians, including children and women dead.
That was a danger signal and the atmosphere reeked of blood and foreboded repression - a sad pointer that the leopard could never change its spots. We had earlier recorded deaths in 2011 when it became clear that he had lost the presidential election and the deaths again recorded by the bombings he ordered in Cross-Rivers was a sad reminder which only swelled the number. These are harrowing incidents that keep this writer astounded in no small measure.
In a bid to cleanse the proverbial Augean stables what we visibly see is nothing short of a harrowing departure from all accepted norms and procedures. You are labelled an undesirable and consequently marked out for a tragic fate once you are not on the same page with the regime in Abuja while the party partisans and apologists have become the rightful heirs of our common patrimony.
This brings the assassination bid of Nigeria's Deputy Senate President Ekweremadu into focus. It has made news headlines across the globe and the international community has been watching what is happening in Nigeria which is fundamentally opposed to all accepted democratic norms and this leaves the country risk-averse. There is no denying the fact that there are traces of brutality, human right abuse and ethnic abuse in Nigeria under the present Buhari regime like the world witnessed when Amin ruled over Uganda that qualified him for a despot.
Be that as it may, reports making the rounds say soon after the attempt on Ekweremadu's life, his seat was methodically and dramatically taken by Senator Remi Tinubu in the Red Chambers and our Honourable men and women watched helplessly in consternation. This story, frankly, is better imagined than real.
In civilized world as the manhunt for the killer squad begins, if the drama that reportedly took place in the senate chamber is anything to go by Sen. Remi Tinubu runs the risk of being thoroughly investigated and implicated in that heinous crime commencing with wiretapping, surveillance and e-mail monitoring but, who is there to bell the proverbial cat when the ruling APC, according to the PDP, may have recruited the killer squad on the prowl?
Iyoha John Darlington, a scholar, an opinion leader and public commentator on national and global issues writes from Turin, Italy.
Read more at: http://www.thenigerianvoice.com/news/197344/50/ekweremadus-assassination-bid-apc-killer-squad-on-.html
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